The Public Mandate for Peace and Rebuilding of Trust as a Prerequisite for Conflict Resolution
(Workshop for Journalists,Hotel Blue Waters, Wadduwa, 23rd February, 2002)

Ladies & Gentlemen of the Media, I am addressing you today as the Wickremesinghe Government enters a critical phase in its efforts to bring peace to our country. It is, as yet, a preliminary phase, a tentative first step in the process of resolving what is commonly recognised as one of the most complex and intractable of the world's conflicts. It is often described as an "ethnic" conflict; but to so describe it, is to focus on only one of its aspects, on the aspect most often used to rally the forces of destruction. So described, it dangerously simplifies the conflict in the popular mind and conceals the complexity of the causes of conflict with which we must deal, if we are to end it. The causes of this conflict are spiritual wounds inflicted at various periods in Sri Lanka's history. Some of those wounds were the result of foreign incursions; some were inflicted here at home. In any case it is dangerous and unproductive to seek causes in order to attribute blame. Nor is it useful to think that ancient wounds will be forgotten overnight. What does need to be done is for the parties to this conflict to come together to address these problems jointly, imaginatively, as dispassionately as possible. And there must be commitment born of the realisation that God, or Nature or Providence has made us brothers by placing us together on this piece of land surrounded by the sea. The question is: Do we want for ourselves, and for our children, that we live out our lives in a state of perpetual enmity and distrust? Or should we turn, at last, to those tenets so often quoted but, alas, less often followed; the universal message that comes to us from Lord Buddha, Lord Krishna, the Holy Prophet Mohammed and from Jesus Christ: The injunction to behave towards one another, as we would have others behave towards us. This is, after all, the message of commonsense, as well.

I am grateful for this opportunity to share with you my thoughts on the present situation. I would like to present those thoughts under four heads: The first, I will call "Perceptions"; the second, "Co-operation"; the third, "Devolution"; and the fourth, "Trust". All these elements are equally important, but this occasion does not permit me to spend time equally on all of them.

We ought to realise, when contemplating the present situation, that what we feel about it is triggered not so much by the facts - we rarely know all of them - as by our perceptions, our particular interpretation of those facts. Our perceptions are, of course, heavily influenced by who we are, by what we have experienced and by what we have heard or read about events and people throughout our lives. In a word, our perceptions are influenced by our own prejudices, acted upon by our emotions. In this we are not, of course, unique. No country may claim that at some point in its history, one group's prejudices or skewed perceptions, has not caused untold suffering to the members of another group. Equally, in all countries we may find instances where those in politics choose to follow, rather than to lead; to reflect and give effect to the fractured perceptions of the mass of the people, rather than to attempt to turn the resulting tide for fear of losing popularity, and with it, their positions of power and influence. The result of such failures of leadership has often been terror, communal violence and killings that no country can afford.

The datum we are left with is that it is virtually impossible to change the perceptions into which groups become locked. It is useless for scholars to support perceptions of historical priority or moral rectitude by means of evidence. Only those already predisposed to believe, will do so, and quite as much evidence and argument can be presented in support of contradictory perceptions. And so our perceptions lead us along the well-worn path of recrimination, to belief in the good

and suffering US, and the wicked and blameworthy THEM. Love your neighbour by all means, but hate everybody else!

By signing the present cease fire agreement, the Wickremesinghe Government intends to call a halt to the escalation of violence and distrust in our land, to create a social climate in which co-operation and exchanges among all communities will demonstrate the advantages that peace offers to all our citizens. However, for the security of all concerned, these initiatives will be carried out a step at a time. We are faced, as so often happens, with what has been called the "prisoners' dilemma": There, two prisoners are accused of jointly committing a crime. If both co-operate with each other and remain silent, they could only be convicted of a lesser charge. But if one defects and gives evidence against the other, the latter would be convicted, while the informer would go free. Co-operation would bring benefits to both while defection by one gets him the highest reward and leaves the other to suffer the full penalty for the crime. The step-by-step process in initiating peace offers protection to either side against the temptation of one of them to act like the informer in the game and, so to speak, to claim the whole reward. Each step in the process toward bringing our country back to normal will be carefully and systematically monitored by independent outsiders who have no conceivable stake in the process. While these outside forces attempt to guarantee a co-operative approach, and warn of potential defection, both sides may be expected to act with restraint and prudence in order to achieve a better prospect for all. The Government certainly intends to take each agreed step watchfully, in the expectation of co-operation from the other side, but also with due prudence.

Beyond the interim steps to promote co-operation that have been recorded in the preliminary agreement signed by the Prime Minister, lies the prospect of devolution of powers to the North and East, when the achieved level of

co-operation so warrants. The scope of powers to be so conferred has been the subject of extensive study in the past, and will no doubt be debated yet again in the future. If the interim agreement has generated genuine and transparent co-operative conduct on both sides, and the existence of a climate of confidence is established, there would seem to be no reason to delay implementation of a negotiated devolution package, and the beginning of a new era of peace and accelerated economic benefits for all our citizens. Nor at this time, is there a need to contemplate possible alternative scenarios that might result from failure.

I come now, ladies and gentlemen, to what must be the most important part of my address to you, namely the subject of Trust. The agreement that has just been signed is, as I have emphasised, the first tentative step toward normalization of relations between the two most populous communities within our country. Until now, it seems to have been the assumption of each, that the other wanted a position of dominance. The less populous community believed it was being subjected to discrimination and treatment as inferior. Whether they were so treated or not, is not the point: That is what they believed, and that is where we must start. The majority community believed that the other was attempting to gain, or regain, social and economic advantages to which they were not entitled, and to do so at the expense of the majority. Whether they were right or not is not the point: That is what the majority believed, and that is where we must start.

What we ask is that each community put an end to such claims that can never be proven to the satisfaction of the other, abandon futile recrimination, and co-operate in the rebuilding of our fractured society. This enterprise would be an immensely difficult one under any circumstances. In an atmosphere of enmity and distrust, it would be impossible. It is for this reason that we believe that a minimum of trust is essential on both sides, and urge each of them, first, to make

that trust as manifest as possible; and second, not to re-kindle distrust by conduct that is ambiguous or equivocal, and likely to raise again the spectre of retaliatory violence. To assist us in this delicate enterprise we will have the assistance of independent and objective observers, whose opinions will be respected.

Ahead of us lies a long, arduous and treacherous road. Even after an agreed devolution of powers, and the resumption of normal social and economic exchanges among all parts of our country, there will remain the immense task of preparing the minds of future generations to absorb the lessons of a tragic past; so as to avoid repetition of the death and destruction that marked the last two decades of the twentieth century, and prevent those tragic events from casting an ominous shadow over our future. This will be the responsibility of religious leaders, of education policy-makers, teachers, and above all, parents - perhaps their most important responsibility - in the years to come: First, to eradicate from young minds the image of the cultural OTHER as one of menace, of ridicule, or even of fun; and second, to instil respect, if not affection for that OTHER, and to present cultural diversity as one of our country's greatest resources, rather than a burden and a threat.

In this greatest of endeavours, ladies and gentlemen of the Media, there is for you a role and a responsibility of critical importance. That role and responsibility begin today, and will be a continuing one. For all sections of our population, whatever language they speak, first impressions of events are formed through the mirrors of your minds and the words you utter. You have the power, and also the responsibility, to report those events fairly and accurately. I appeal to you to do so with every care and caution of which you are capable. It does not matter which of our political parties holds office, or where your ideological sympathies may lie.

The fair and constructive reporting of progress toward our goal of a prosperous, multi-cultural and, above all, fraternal island community, must claim your first allegiance. Report all gently and constructively, mould, not inflame or merely reflect, public opinion. The stakes are too high for you to do otherwise. It is our children that we must save!