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| 09/01/2005 - The Sunday Leader | |||
| Human disaster and international power play | |||
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| President George Bush, Laura Bush and former Presidents George Bush Snr and Bill Clinton discussing the impact of the tsunami disaster on Sri Lanka with Ambassador Devinda Subasinghe at the Sri Lankan mission Washington In the wake of the world's worst natural disaster in living history, the Indian Ocean has become an area of geopolitical strategy and power posturing. With millions left homeless and destitute the region could become a feeding ground for child traffickers and terrorists looking to recruit children. These concerns could turn the relief effort into an international security issue.Aid is sometimes a way to make friends and gain control. And this disaster has not been without its moments of political posturing and casuistry. If the disaster saw politicians in Sri Lanka rushing to make hay while the wave struck, the international political scenario did not fare much better.Diplomatic coalition |
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As news of the catastrophe trickled in on what was Christmas day in Washington, Sri Lanka's Ambassador to the USA, Devinda Subasinghe was to call US Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage, a friend of Sri Lanka who often visited the nation during the height of the peace process - and ask for help.
Former Minister Milinda Moragoda who was in Washington at the time also sprang into action. Moragoda who personally hand picked Subasinghe to head the Washington Mission during the UNF regime, immediately urged him to get the machinery working. Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe who was visiting the coastal areas in and around Colombo an hour after disaster struck was to receive a telephone call from Ambassador Subasinghe and from Milinda Moragoda on the morning of the 26th. Having already visited several disaster areas, Wickremesinghe was quick to request Subasinghe to push for emergency relief and humanitarian aid for the people affected. By the end of that day diplomatic sources were fully aware that the Americans were trying to get a coalition together. However, the move could not get off ground quickly as the key players in the Sri Lankan government had not given its diplomatic missions the green light nor indeed yet arrived in Sri Lanka from their various holiday destinations. While the major players in government were on holiday so was the National Disaster Management Unit directly under President Chandrika Kumaratunga. A unit she vehemently fought to take control over during the UNF regime. In the meantime, the US government scheduled the Secretary of State Colin Powell and Florida Governor and brother of President George Bush, Jeb to visit two of the worst hit areas in the region - Banda Aceh in Indonesia and Phuket in Thailand. Sri Lanka though losing, according to US estimates some 46,000 lives, was not on the agenda. Moragoda was quick to cease the opportunity of getting Powell to visit Sri Lanka as well. He consulted the Opposition Leader and having cleared the move with him, successfully worked with Ambassador Subasinghe in persuading Powell to visit Sri Lanka on his way back from Indonesia as a mark of support and solidarity to the island nation. Consequently, Powell arrived in Sri Lanka on Friday (7) for a brief five-hour visit. However, nearly two hours of this time was spent in the air in a helicopter, 30 minutes was devoted to a meeting with President Chandrika Kumaratunga, 15 minutes with the Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe and a hefty 45 minutes for all media. |
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| Solidarity and support Meanwhile, after Ambassador Subasinghe's SOS, Armitage was to contact US civil and defence departments for an initial briefing. At this early stage the full scale of destruction was not known. Indeed newspapers reported that 2,500 people had been killed in Sri Lanka little knowing the horror Indian Ocean nations were to unearth in the coming days. On Monday, December 27, after the disaster Colin Powell was to contact Sri Lanka's Foreign Affairs Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar who was on an official visit to Beijing, and convey his condolences. Two days later on Wednesday, US President George W. Bush called President Chandrika Kumaratunga and offered the assistance of the United States. Soon after, Powell was to again call Kadirgamar and assure the Foreign Minister that the United States was in it for the long haul. On Friday, New Year's Eve, Powell called Kadirgamar again. He did so after his visit to the Sri Lankan Embassy in Washington where he made a statement of solidarity and support and assured Sri Lanka that the US was with them for the long haul. Bidding war Meanwhile, USAID agency contacted the Pacific command and mobilised them to send relief and rescue missions including marines and helicopters for relief operations on a large scale. By now, the scale of the devastation was well known. Pledges of aid were being made on all sides and the Indian Ocean catastrophe had taken on an international hue. A bidding war had already commenced which prompted Britain's Foreign Secretary Jack Straw to assert that the UK had felt the pressure and had decided to step back. Infact on Sunday, December 26, President George Bush was to telephone Prime Minister Manmohan Singh of India and suggest they work together in the region using Indian technical know-how and knowledge of the area. Prime Minister Singh welcomed the suggestion and pledged India would provide rehabilitation and relief to the region despite their own woes. It is out of this discussion that was born the idea of a task force. A core group comprising India the regional leader, Japan the region's largest aid giver, the USA the richest country and sole super power and Australia the key player in Indonesian geopolitics. |
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| The composition of the core group prompted former International Development Secretary in Britain, Clare Short to observe that the alliance looked uncomfortably like the Coalition of the Willing in Iraq. Short had earlier resigned from her post as minister in the British government during the Iraq war protesting Britain's role in it. Military troops Meanwhile, India had refused permission to volunteer agencies seeking to go beyond Port Blair - the administrative centre of the Andaman islands to carry out relief work, on the grounds that they did not want the stone-age tribes and aborigines to be disturbed. However, the Andaman and Nicobar islands bristle with defence installations and has since 2001 supported a joint-service command involving elements of the army, navy, air force and coast guard under a single commander. Obviously, to India where mainland Tamil Nadu was the worst effected, in the Andaman and Nicobar islands it was security concerns that were paramount. India from the beginning was keen to project itself as a donor rather than a receiver. To this end though hard hit by the unforgiving waves herself, India was the first to send troops to Sri Lanka as part of relief aid. This included six helicopters, medical teams and relief supplies. The diplomatic machinery was now set in motion and soon the newly formed core group represented in Washington by the Ambassador of India Ronen Sen, Ambassador Kato of Japan, US Under Secretary for Political Affairs, Mark Grossmann and Australian Ambassador Michael J. Thawley met in Washington to discuss relief efforts and logistics. The core group also conducted a series of video conferences including some with UN Secretary General Kofi Annan. The United States indicated to India that they would be sending in marines to help with the relief effort and the Indian Ambassador did not voice any objections at this time. However, India indicated emphatically that she would not be needing any military or financial aid, but was willing to help in anyway possible. India was particularly sensitive to the security concerns that would arise if the international community were to descend on the Andaman and Nicobar islands where Indian army bases were set up. But not so with strategically placed Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka now has on its shores a contingent of US marines, Indian military personnel, Russian disaster management troops and other teams connected with the relief effort. |
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| Sri Lanka's Military Spokesman Brigadier Daya Ratnayake says they are not still working together with the Sri Lankan military as the details are yet being discussed by the government. Once they have been told what to do they will work in liaison with the military. Neither is Brigadier Daya Ratnayake sure of how many troops have actually arrived. US media reports that 1,500 marines are scheduled for Sri Lanka. The US has already sent an advance team on Monday (3) and Tuesday (4) including two C130s and a ship which came in on Thursday (6). They will help to clear debris, build bridges and other access routes in order to get the relief to the affected areas. It has been reported that a 1,000 Indian troops are already present in Sri Lanka. Underscoring the geopolitical importance of this disaster, Australian Defence Forces (ADF) have been dispatched to Indonesia. The country is of immense importance to Australian politics - there is no indication that any ADF personnel have yet arrived in Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka is geopolitically of little relevance to Australia. The mandate of these relief teams which are characteristically drawn from the three forces in such countries as USA, Australia and India, is little known. How long will they stay? Is it for immediate relief work or for more long-term reconstruction and rehabilitation? Brigadier Ratnayake has no answers. "I don't know he says. As I see it they are here as long as we need them. I do not know yet of the system in place to accept relief it is under discussion." Regional and international politics were now afoot. Immediately the core group was formed and troops were being dispatched, China made it known through diplomatic channels and through the United Nations that they too wanted to be part of the group. In fact reports indicate that Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar who was in Beijing at the time had also requested help from the Chinese government. Tensions UN Secretary General Kofi Annan sounded out the core group for China's inclusion, but the move was deflected primarily by the US and India on the grounds that this was an Indian Ocean issue and that India as regional leader would handle it. China they said, had no role. China would be particularly concerned about the presence of troops in the east of Sri Lanka with the strategic setting of the Trincomalee habour where the whole of the Indian Ocean including China could be monitored. |
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| The underlying tensions between India and China are apparent. In Burma for instance China has been systematically moving in creating an infrastructure of control that is a constant irritation to its Indian neighbour. This tension is underscored by the fact that India has been trying to get a toehold in Burma, but has so far been unsuccessful. But international displeasure to the core group soon became all too apparent. The European Union (EU) with some of its members like Germany pledging as much as US$ 500 million in aid, expressed annoyance at these perceived exclusionary tactics. Although the EU as a body was not part of the Coalition of the Willing, Britain was a major player. Thus, the EU and Canada were then also brought in to the core group from the outside notwithstanding China's exclusion. Out of these developments came the Jakarta Aid Summit on Thursday (6). The Indians were to be present at the meeting strictly as a donor and provider of relief and aid rather than a receiver and a victim. In the meantime, the US which was to send 1,500 marines to Sri Lanka was to drastically reduce that number, sending more to Indonesia, claiming the country is worst affectedby the tsunami. Inactive government Whether this is a result of back room diplomacy by the Indians, inaction by the Sri Lankan government or American public relations efforts to repair the damage caused by its occupation in Iraq is anybody's guess. On the one hand, the Indians may have agreed to US collaboration in the region for public consumption only. On the other hand, the Americans may want to use this opportunity to repair the relations between the Muslim world and themselves. Indonesia is the world's most populous nation and is the largest Islamic country with some 173 million Muslims. It is also home to the Al Qaeda support group Jemaah Islamiya. On January 5, Australian Prime Minister John Howard travelled to Jakarta and following a meeting with Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, announced the formation of an Australia-Indonesia Partnership for Reconstruction and Development. The Australian Government upped its contribution to a hefty $1 billion over five years. This is the single largest aid contribution ever made by Australia. In contrast at the time of writing the contribution towards Sri Lanka was A$5 million. That was a pointer to the geopolitical importance each country had to the aid giver. It was not just a humanitarian issue. |
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| Political analysts now ask why the all important aid summit was held in Jakarta and not in Colombo. Certainly the enthusiasm the US manifested in the early stages seem to be waning. Is this the result of a slothful Sri Lankan government of whose key members including the President were on holiday abroad when the disaster took place? If former minister Milinda Moragoda in consultation with Wickre- mesinghe could have used their good offices with Ambassador Subasinghe and persuaded the US Secretary of State to include Sri Lanka in his visit to the devastated areas, one wonders why the government including the Foreign Ministry in Sri Lanka was lethargic to the extent that even a visit by Powell was not considered important until opposition MPs took charge. If the government of Sri Lanka was motivated to keep Sri Lanka on center stage and in focus to receive immediate humanitarian relief and the more long term development aid involving rehabilitation and reconstruction, it could have done so by being more proactive. If the first stage of getting the world's richest country to move in Sri Lanka's favour was handled by Ambassador Devinda Subasinghe and Milinda Moragoda in consultation with the opposition leader, surely the government could have handled the second stage reinforcing the bond and keeping the pieces together. Analysts state that making a claim for the donor conference to be held in Colombo rather than in Jakarta with the involvement of the ASEAN, when a large number of SAARC countries were affected badly including Male, Bangladesh, India and Sri Lanka is at the very least alackadaisical attitude on the part of an inactive government. Political analysts also say that if Sri Lanka could have effectively got a core group of donors together to handle the peace process and successfully kept it together it could easily have, through diplomatic channels got a core group together to handle relief and long term development in the wake of the tsunami. However, to this end Sri Lanka's Foreign Ministry did not push hard enough. Ambassador Subasinghe who had already initiated the first phase of diplomacy would have waited for instructions from Colombo rather than proposing a more proactive approach. These instructions did not come soon enough. Be that as it may if local politics was murky, international politics was even murkier. A key feature of the donor meeting in Jakarta held last Thursday (6) was that the USA dissolved the core group stating it had now served its purpose and bowed to UN leadership in the relief operations. It may be more appropriate to say that the core group effectively collapsed. The US assertion that the group had now served its purpose was mere sophistry as the relief effort had yet to begin in earnest. |
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| Though willing whole heartedly to support Sri Lanka and having made an impassioned speech of support and solidarity at the Sri Lankan Mission in Washington, the US received no reciprocal signs of welcome by the government of Sri Lanka possibly due to the JVP factor. Added to this the EU - one of the donor co -hairs linked to the Sri Lankan peace process - and China were irritated at their initial exclusion from the tsunami relief core group. This exclusion effected three of the five UN Security Council votes. Meanwhile, the Russians who also have a presence in Sri Lanka having sent a helicopter, medical teams and disaster management groups sided with the EU in their displeasure on the initial composition of the core groups. US isolated The US thus got effectively isolated with only Japan supporting them. India which initially supported the group seems to have back tracked due to the US announcement that 1,500 marines would be deployed in Sri Lanka together with a large assault ship cum aircraft carrier some 20 helicopters and five transport planes to assist with relief operations. Thus India too was keen to push the leadership back towards the United Nations rather than allow the US to lead the way. Moreover, Thailand and India had already refused aid from Washington for various internal reasons. The US isolated in its efforts, and the core group all but collapsing obviously felt it was more prudent to direct aid through the UN. A consequence of this would be that the US can now significantly reduce its initial commitment having met their need for publicity in the immediate aftermath of the disaster. In the meantime, the Indians have been somewhat peeved that though they were the first to come in to Sri Lanka and start the relief effort, the US was receiving a wide amount of publicity while they had to do all the work. This may have been the reason that the state controlled Daily News last week drenched its pages with banner headlines of Indian relief in Sri Lanka. Long haul In this scenario UN Secretary General Kofi Annan has been cynical in his outlook. The UN has called for the generous pledges made before media cameras to be honoured. The Secretary General told the BBC that in such cases though pledges are made sometimes only 30 per cent of them are honoured by countries. The UN also suspects that some of this money will never be seen and thus has called for cash up front as usually 'pledges are made, the press pick it up, people leave in hope, but the money never comes.' The Indian Ocean tsunami claimed some 150,000 innocent lives. Yet, in terms of loss of human life a tsunami happens every day across the world. Every 11 days the same number die of such simple deceases as malaria and diarrhoea. Every 15 days, of HIV/AIDS in Africa. In the past five years, four million have died in the Congo due to poverty. Casualties of the war without end - the war against starvation and decease claim 40,000. That is 40,000 a day. These casualties are under five years old. So why this unprecedented response now? The evidence is clear. Apart from heartfelt responses to human disaster, the region is also a strategic one. And aid is a way of making friends and gaining control. Trincomalee is one of the best natural habours in the world. It is a point where the whole Indian Ocean area could be monitored and controlled. Many strategic sea routes pass over the Indian Ocean. And the answers to the many theories on foreign troops presence in Sri Lanka will only be known when the time frame of their stay becomes known. The question is, are the troops also here for the long haul? |
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